Trump seemed to love the adulation but said to Graham, “You’re a middle-of-the-road guy. I want you to be 100 percent for Trump.”
This resembled the loyalty pledge that then FBI director James Comey said that Trump had asked of him. According to Comey, Trump had said, “I need loyalty. I expect loyalty,” during their now famous one-on-one Green Room dinner in the White House during the first week of the Trump presidency.
“Okay, what’s the issue?” Graham asked, “and I’ll tell you whether I’m 100 percent for you or not.”
“You’re like 82 percent,” Trump said.
“Well, some days I’m 100 percent. Some days I may be zero.”
“I want you to be a 100 percent guy.”
“Why would you want me to tell you you’re right when I think you’re wrong? What good does that do for you or me?” Graham asked. “Presidents need people that can tell them the truth as they see it. It’s up to you to see if I’m full of shit.”
* * *
On December 29, 2017, Trump’s tweet had summarized his position on DACA: “The Democrats have been told, and fully understand, that there can be no DACA without the desperately needed WALL at the Southern Border and an END to the horrible Chain Migration . . . We must protect our Country at all cost!”
The president called a meeting in the Cabinet Room with 20 senators and House members to discuss an immigration plan for the Dreamers. Trump directed that the Tuesday, January 9, meeting be televised, all 55 minutes. He was in full performance mode, promising legislation. “Truly, it should be a bill of love, and we can do that.”
The president was engaging and fun. Graham was astounded at Trump’s apparent shift on one of the most polarizing issues before them. The anti-immigration hard-liners would be aghast. Trump had once been their leader. Graham hoped this was the president at his deal-making best.
Graham had never felt better about Trump’s ability to get an immigration deal done. He had worked on immigration for years, attempting to broker compromises with Democrats like Ted Kennedy, Chuck Schumer and Dick Durbin. With Trump, he saw the potential to finally succeed. In a statement, he was exuberant, saying, “Most fascinating meeting I’ve been involved with in twenty plus years in politics.”
The headlines reinforced Graham’s optimism. The New York Times: “Trump Appears to Endorse Path to Citizenship for Millions of Immigrants.” The Washington Post: “At the table: Trump tried to negotiate and prove stability.”
The next day Trump phoned Graham.
“I thought you were masterful,” Graham said. “Don’t let all these people”—Republican hard-liners—“scare you away. You’re on track here. This is the guy that I try to tell people about when we play golf. This is the Donald Trump that I’m all-in for. Only you can do it. Bush tried. Obama couldn’t do it. You can do this.”
To Graham’s surprise, Trump put Melania, the first lady, on the phone. “I just wanted to tell you I like what you said,” the first lady said in her soft accent. “And the way you handled yourself, and the way you speak. I thought it was very nice.”
“Well, thank you, ma’am, you made my day,” Graham replied. He was impressed with her grace. It was the first time he had ever really talked to her. It was pretty clear she, an immigrant herself, was sympathetic to the DACA children.
“Can we change the libel laws?” Trump asked, rapidly shifting the tenor of the conversation to one of his pet peeves.
“No,” Graham, the lawyer, said.
“Why?”
We are not England, Graham said, where the libel laws were stricter.
People were writing “bullshit,” Trump said.
“I don’t doubt it,” Graham agreed. “But no, we can’t change the libel laws and don’t worry about it.” In the landmark 1964 decision New York Times v. Sullivan, the U.S. Supreme Court had set the libel bar about as high as possible: Something was libelous only if published or said knowing that it was false and with reckless disregard for the truth.
“Well, I don’t intend to become like England,” Trump said.
“There’s no more bigger punching bag in all the world than the president of the United States,” Graham said. “And you’ve gotten more than your fair share of unfounded criticism, but that’s just the hand you’re dealt. And the way you beat them, Mr. President, is you produce. And the way you put your critics in a box is you don’t sue them, you just deliver. Prove all these guys wrong.”
Graham felt it had been one of his best conversations with the president. He had done most of the talking.
* * *
About 11 a.m. the next day, Senator Dick Durbin, the number-two Democrat in the Senate, called Graham.
“I just got off the phone with Trump,” said Durbin, who had joined Graham in the efforts for a compromise on immigration. “He likes what we did. He wants you and me to come down.”
Graham called the White House to try to set up a meeting. Kelly came to Graham’s office to go over details.
Kelly, the immigration hard-liner, was edgy. He had told the West Wing staff and even some on the Hill that the president didn’t understand what DACA was, that he was ignorant of both the policy and the mechanics. The president had deputized Kelly to handle DACA, and he viewed part of that job as making sure Trump didn’t do anything or meet with anyone on DACA, like Graham and Durbin, without him there. The president can’t do this on his own, he’d told West Wing colleagues, because if he does it on his own, he’s going to screw it up.
“All I’m asking for is a chance to explain to the president,” Graham said. Graham’s plan was simple, he repeated. Trump would go along with legislation for Dreamers in exchange for funding for the wall. “Let him make up his own mind,” Graham said. He was repeating Kelly’s mantra on all issues. He wanted the facts presented to the president, who could then decide.
So Graham and Durbin showed up at the White House, thinking they would meet alone with Trump. Instead there was a group of anti-immigrant senators, congressmen and staffers, including Kelly and Stephen Miller. Graham thought it looked like a lynch mob lined up on chairs in the Oval Office.
Graham began walking through the plan, which included the money Trump had asked for on border security.
It was not enough, Trump said, condescending.
Graham said he was sure they could do more but this was where they had started. And he mentioned 25,000 visas from mostly African countries. He turned to the visas for places such as Haiti and El Salvador because of earthquakes, famine and violence.
“Haitians,” Trump said. “We don’t need more Haitians.” At that and the mention of immigrants from African countries, Trump said, “Why are we having all these people from shithole countries come here?” He had just met with the prime minister of Norway. Why not more Norwegians? Or Asians who could help the economy?
Durbin was sickened. Graham was floored.
“Time out,” Graham said, signaling for a halt with his hands. “I don’t like where this thing’s going.” America is an ideal, he said. “I want merit-based immigration from every corner of the globe, not just Europeans. A lot of us come from shitholes.”
Trump snapped back to reasonable, but the damage was done.
Durbin went public, revealing Trump’s comments about “shithole countries,” and Graham backed Durbin up.
Two days later, Saturday, Trump called Graham, who thought Trump was calling to take his temperature. How mad was he?
Trump said he was playing golf at his club in West Palm Beach.
“Well, hit ’em good,” Graham said.
“I didn’t say some of the things that he said I said,” Trump said, referring to Durbin.
“Yeah, you did,” Graham insisted.
“Well, some people like what I said.”
“I’m not one of them,” Graham said. “I want to help you. I like playing golf with you. But if that’s the price of admission, count me out. Good luck. Hit ’em good.”
* * *