‘The decision to attack is momentous,’ Pauline was saying. ‘I have always hoped I would never have to make it. I have not chosen this course emotionally, nor in a heated desire for revenge. I’ve discussed it coolly and calmly with my Cabinet, and we are unanimous in thinking this is the only viable option open to the United States as a free independent people.’
A screen on the wall came to life showing a radar picture superimposed on a map. Kai was puzzled, not sure what he was seeing. The missiles seemed to be beyond South Korea, miles away over the sea.
Yang Yong, who was quick to decipher this kind of visual information, muttered: ‘How the fuck many missiles is that?’
Kai said: ‘I don’t know, but I’m pretty sure the Americans don’t have that many missiles in South Korea, not after the last few days.’
‘No, these aren’t coming from South Korea,’ Yang said confidently. ‘In fact, I think they’re originating in Japan.’ The US had bases in mainland Japan and on the islands of Okinawa, and could launch cruise missiles from its ships and aircraft there. Yang added: ‘So many!’
Kai recalled that the US had giant submarines that could each carry more than one hundred and fifty Tomahawk missiles. He said: ‘This is what happens when you pick a fight with the richest country in the world.’
Jin Chin-hwa, the head of the Korea desk, was looking at his laptop. ‘Listen to this,’ he said. ‘A Chinese freighter discharging a cargo of rice in the North Korean port of Nampo has just sent us a message.’
Every Chinese vessel, including commercial ships, had at least one crew member whose duty it was to report anything important they saw. They sent messages to what they thought was the Maritime Intelligence Center in the port of Shenzhen but was, in fact, the Guoanbu.
Jin went on: ‘They say that an American destroyer, the USS Morgan, sailed to the mouth of the Taedong River and fired a cruise missile that hit and sank a vessel of the North Korean navy right before their eyes.’
Zhou Meiling, the young woman Internet expert, said: ‘Already!’
Kai said: ‘The president wasn’t kidding. She’s going to annihilate North Korea’s military.’
‘That’s not what she said,’ Yang Yong said pedantically. ‘Not exactly.’
Kai turned to him. Yang did not speak out as often as the younger officers, who were always trying to show how bright they were. Kai said: ‘What do you mean?’
‘She never said she was attacking North Korea, always Pyongyang, and once the Supreme Leader.’
Kai had not noticed that detail. ‘Well spotted,’ he said. ‘It may mean she’s leaving the rebel ultras alone.’
‘Or simply keeping that option open for the moment.’
‘I’ll try to find out when I talk to the CIA.’
The president’s broadcast came to an end without further revelations. A few minutes later Kai was summoned to Zhongnanhai for an emergency meeting of the Foreign Affairs Commission. He notified Monk, grabbed his coat, and left the building.
He foresaw that, as the group debated the Chinese response to the American attack, they would split into hawks and doves, as usual. Kai would be searching for a compromise that would enable China to save face without starting World War Three.
While he was on the way there in the usual heavy Beijing traffic – and the American missiles were still in the air on their thousand-mile flight from Japan to North Korea – Neil Davidson called.
The Texan drawl was not as laid-back as usual; in fact, Neil sounded almost tense. ‘Kai, before anyone does anything in a hurry, we want to be real clear with you all: the US has no intention of invading North Korea.’
Kai said: ‘So you think you can deal with the present situation with measures short of an invasion, but you’re not completely ruling out that possibility.’
‘That’s about the size of it.’
Kai was greatly relieved, because that meant there was a chance of containing the crisis even now; but he kept the thought to himself. It was never smart to make things too easy for the other side. He said: ‘But Neil, the USS Morgan has already violated North Korean borders by approaching the mouth of the Taedong River to sink a ship of the North Korean navy with a cruise missile. Are you telling me that’s not an invasion?’
There was a silence, and Kai guessed that Neil had not known about the Morgan. But he recovered from the surprise and said: ‘Naval bombardment is not ruled out. But please take it from me that we do not intend to put American troops on the ground in North Korea.’
‘It’s a hair-splitting distinction,’ Kai said, but, in fact, he was not displeased. If that was where the Americans wanted to draw the line between assault and invasion, the Chinese government might accept it, at least unofficially.
Neil said: ‘As we speak, our Secretary of State is calling your ambassador in Washington to say the same thing. Our quarrel is with the people who dropped those chemical bombs, not with the folks in Beijing.’
Kai put a note of scepticism in his voice. ‘Are you trying to say that your attack is a proportionate response?’
‘That’s exactly what I’m saying, and we think the rest of the world will see it that way.’
‘I don’t think the Chinese government will take such a lenient view.’
‘So long as they understand that our intentions are strictly limited. We have no wish to take over the government of North Korea.’
That was important, if true. ‘I’ll pass the message on.’ Kai’s phone was showing a call waiting. That was probably his office to tell him the first missiles had hit. But he needed something more from Neil. ‘We noticed that President Green did not say she was attacking North Korea, but repeatedly referred to the Pyongyang regime. Does that mean you’re not bombing rebel military bases?’
‘The president will not attack people who have never harmed Americans.’
That was a reassurance wrapped around a threat. The rebels were safe only as long as they stayed neutral. They would become targets if they attacked Americans. ‘Clear enough,’ said Kai. ‘I have another call. Stay in touch.’ Without waiting for a reply, he broke the contact and picked up the waiting call.
It was Jin Chin-hwa. ‘The first missiles have struck North Korea,’ he said.
‘Where?’
‘Several places simultaneously: Chunghwa, headquarters of the North Korean air force outside of Pyongyang; the naval base at Haeju; a Kang family residence—’
Kai had been picturing a map of North Korea in his head, and now he interrupted Jin to say, ‘All targets in the west of the country, away from the rebel zone.’
‘Yes.’
That confirmed what Neil had said.
Kai’s car was passing through the usual elaborate security at the Gate of the New China. He said: ‘Thank you, Jin,’ and hung up.
Monk parked in a row of limousines outside the Hall of Cherished Compassion, the building where the important political committees met. In common with most buildings within the Zhongnanhai compound, it was designed in traditional style, with curved roof lines. It had a massive auditorium for ceremonial meetings, but the Foreign Affairs Commission met in a conference room.
Kai got out and inhaled the fresh breeze coming across the lake. This was one of the few places in Beijing where the air was not noxious. He took a few seconds to breathe deeply and oxygenate his bloodstream. Then he went inside.
President Chen was already there. To Kai’s surprise he wore a suit with no tie and he had not shaved. Kai had never before seen him look scruffy: he must have been up half the night. He was deep in conversation with Kai’s father, Chang Jianjun. Of the hawks, Huang Ling and Fu Chuyu were present, and Kong Zhao represented the doves. The uncommitted middle-of-the-roaders were represented by Foreign Minister Wu Bai and President Chen himself. All looked intensely worried.