Jacqueline said: ‘Chen is on the line.’
Pauline picked up. After brief courtesies she said to Chen: ‘The North Korean attack on South Korea has been defeated.’
Chen spoke through the interpreter. ‘The aggression of the Seoul authorities against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is unwarranted.’
Pauline was taken aback. Last time they spoke he had been reasonable. Now he seemed to be parroting propaganda. She said: ‘All the same, North Korea lost the battle.’
‘The Korean People’s Army will continue to energetically defend the Republic of Korea from American-inspired attacks.’
Pauline put her hand over the phone. ‘I know Chen. He doesn’t believe any of this crap.’
Gus said: ‘I think the hardliners are in the room with him, telling him what to say.’
Several people nodded agreement.
This made it awkward, but she could still deliver her message. ‘I believe the people of the United States and the people of China can find a way to end the killing.’
‘The People’s Republic of China will, of course, give careful consideration to what you say.’
‘Thank you. I want a ceasefire.’
There was a long silence.
Pauline added: ‘I would be grateful if you would pass that message to your comrades in Pyongyang.’
Once again there was no immediate reply, and Pauline imagined Chen holding his hand over the phone and talking to the old Communists who were with him in his lakeside palace at Zhongnanhai. What were they saying? No one in the Beijing government could possibly want this war. North Korea could not win it – the events of last night had proved that – and China did not want to embroil itself in armed conflict with the US.
Chen, playing for time, said: ‘And can you assure us that this proposal will be accepted by President No in Seoul?’
‘Of course not,’ Pauline said immediately. ‘South Korea is a free country. But I’ll do my damnedest to persuade her.’
After another long pause, Chen said: ‘We will discuss this with Pyongyang.’
Pauline decided to push him. ‘When?’
This time his answer came without hesitation. ‘Immediately.’ That was Chen talking, Pauline guessed, not his minders.
She said: ‘Thank you, Mr President.’
‘Thank you, Madam President.’
They hung up. Pauline said: ‘There’s been a change in Beijing.’
Gus said: ‘Once the shooting starts, the military assert themselves – and the Chinese military is run by hardliners.’
Pauline glanced at Bill and reflected that most soldiers were hardliners.
Pauline said: ‘All right, let’s talk to Seoul.’
Jacqueline said: ‘I’ll get President No on the line.’
The switchboard got through to Seoul and she picked up. She said: ‘This has been a terrible day for you, Madam President, but South Korean troops have fought bravely and have defeated the aggressors.’
She pictured President No, her grey hair pulled severely back from a high forehead, her dark eyes piercing, the lines around her mouth suggesting a history of conflict.
President No replied: ‘The Supreme Leader has learned that he cannot attack South Koreans with impunity.’ The note of profound satisfaction in her voice suggested, to Pauline, that No was thinking of the assassination attempt that had killed her lover as well as the bombardment of the last few hours. No added: ‘We thank the brave and generous American people for their invaluable help.’
That was enough of that, Pauline thought. ‘Now we must talk about what to do next.’
‘It’s getting dark here, and the exchange of missiles has tailed off, but it will start again in the morning.’
Pauline did not like the sound of that. ‘Unless we prevent it,’ she said.
‘How would we do that, Madam President?’
‘I’m proposing a ceasefire.’
There was a silence at the other end.
To fill it, Pauline said: ‘My Secretary of State and the Chinese foreign minister will be arriving in Sri Lanka in the next few hours to meet with your foreign minister and his North Korean counterpart. They should discuss the details of the ceasefire immediately, then move on to negotiate a peace settlement.’
President No said: ‘A ceasefire would leave the Supreme Leader in power in Pyongyang and in possession of what remains of his weapons – so he would still menace us.’
That was true, of course. Pauline said: ‘No purpose is served by continuing the killing.’
The reply shocked her. No said: ‘I cannot agree.’
Pauline frowned. This was more opposition than she had anticipated. What did No mean? ‘You have defeated North Korea,’ Pauline said. ‘What more do you want?’
‘Supreme Leader Kang started this war,’ No said. ‘I’m going to finish it.’
Oh, Christ, Pauline thought; she wants unconditional surrender.
Pauline said: ‘A ceasefire is the first step in ending the war.’
‘This is a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to free our countrymen in the north from a murderous tyranny.’
Pauline’s heart sank. The Supreme Leader was, indeed, a murderous tyrant, but President No did not have the power to overthrow him against the wishes of the Chinese. ‘What are you planning?’
‘The complete destruction of the army of North Korea and a new, non-aggressive regime in Pyongyang.’
‘Are you talking about an invasion of North Korea?’
‘If necessary.’
Pauline wanted to stomp on this idea right way. ‘The US would not join forces with you.’
No’s answer surprised her. ‘We would not want you to.’
Pauline was temporarily lost for words.
No Korean leader had talked this way since the 1950s. If the north and south were reunited by this war, the south would somehow have to cope with a sudden influx of twenty-five million half-starved people who had no idea how to live in a capitalist economy. No had campaigned on a promise of reunification in the vague future: her slogan Before I die meant not never, but it could also mean not now. However, the economic issue was not her main problem. China was.
Reading her mind, No said: ‘If you stay out of it, we believe the Chinese will do the same. We will say that Korea’s problems must be solved by Korea’s people, without the involvement of other countries.’
‘Beijing will not allow you to install a pro-American government in Pyongyang.’
‘I know. We would discuss the future of North and South Korea with our allies and our neighbours, of course. But we believe the time has come for Korea as a whole to stop being merely a pawn in someone else’s game.’
This was not realistic, in Pauline’s opinion. If they tried it, there would be hell to pay. She took a deep breath. ‘Madam President, I sympathize with your feelings but I believe that what you propose is dangerous to Korea and to the world.’
‘I have promised to reunite my country. There may not be another moment like this for fifty years. I will not go down in history as the president who missed her chance.’
And that was it, Pauline thought. This was about revenge for the murder of her lover, and about keeping her campaign promise; but most of all, it was about her legacy. She was sixty-five, and thinking of her place in history. This was her destiny.
There was nothing left to say. Pauline said abruptly: ‘Thank you, Madam President,’ and hung up.
She looked around the table. They had all heard the conversation. She said: ‘Our strategy for dealing with the Korea crisis has now collapsed. The north has attacked and lost, and the south is determined to invade. My peace conference has died before it could be born. President No is planning a giant swerve in world politics.’