A series of small charges exploded near the base of the tower, kicking up a cloud of dust and causing the structure to topple into the building next to it. After that, Coleman just ran a finger along the switches, detonating charges hidden all over the complex.
The result could only be described as carnage—both human and structural. The runway was dotted with deep craters and most of the complex’s buildings were beginning to burn. The Russian troops that had been so impressive a few moments ago lost all cohesion. Rapp watched through his scope as they sprinted in any direction that would put distance between them and the airport buildings. In truth, though, most were fucked—either torn apart by the initial explosions or trapped in the ensuing inferno.
Coleman dropped the controller and raised two middle fingers in the air. “That’s Coleman with a C, motherfuckers!”
Rapp swore under his breath and grabbed the man by the collar, dragging him back toward their vehicle.
CHAPTER 38
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON, D.C.
USA
EVERYONE stood when President Alexander walked into the conference room. Irene Kennedy looked around her at the ashen faces of generals, politicians, and advisors as they waited for America’s leader to speak. Instead, he just motioned for them to sit and pointed at his UN ambassador.
She nodded respectfully before speaking. “Everyone agrees that Latvia has been unambiguously invaded by Russia. Article V, the collective defense clause, will be voted on and approved later today.”
“So later today we’ll be at war with Russia.”
“Yes, sir.”
“Where’s Jim Templeton?” he said, referring to the chairman of the Joint Chiefs.
“Poland,” Kennedy responded. “He’s helping to wind back up the military presence there and integrate more of our troops.”
Alexander turned to his ranking army general. “What’s the latest information we have?”
“Latvia, Estonia, and Lithuania scattered their militaries, evacuated their cities, and have started preparations for protracted insurgencies. Our analysis is their actions spooked the Russians. Based on the position of their troops and equipment, it appears that they originally planned a simultaneous invasion of all three countries. Instead, they attacked only Latvia and are now in the process of reconfiguring their resources to support the incursion force.”
“So Estonia and Lithuania are still more or less intact?” Alexander said.
“More or less. They’re still dealing with the aftermath of the Russian hacking effort, but they still have a significant portion of their infrastructure intact. The cities have been mostly evacuated and will probably stay shut down until the situation stabilizes a bit and they feel confident the Russians aren’t going to move against them.”
“Latvia?”
“That’s a different story. The Riga airport is a ruin, with significant Russian casualties. Other airstrips, bridges, and anything else the Russians would find useful are either destroyed or in the process of being destroyed. Mines are being placed, buildings are being booby-trapped, and surface to air defenses are being set up.”
“But our role is basically nonexistent.”
“We have approximately twelve hundred NATO troops in the fight there, led by the Canadians. We’re also doing what we can to transfer supplies from our ships in the Baltic to shore, but it’s a very limited operation. We simply weren’t prepared for this.”
“But we can ramp it up?” Alexander said, turning to the chief of naval operations.
“In theory, yes, sir. We have a significant presence in the area, as do the Europeans. But there’s a lot of Russian naval activity in the Baltic and they’re going to want to cut off those supply lines. The question is, how far are you willing to go?”
Alexander fell silent for a moment, pinching his lower lip between his index finger and thumb. “I assume that everyone here has been briefed on the CIA’s evaluation of Maxim Krupin’s health?”
Nods around the table.
“Do you still stand by that, Irene? He didn’t look weak speaking to the Federal Assembly yesterday.”
“I do, sir.”
“And the attack on him?”
“Overly convenient. The Russian media has announced that he’s been moved to an undisclosed location where he can lead the war effort safe from assassins. They’re also implying that the attempt on his life was the work of my organization.”
“So you’re saying it was a publicity stunt. That he did it to himself.”
“Almost certainly. It’s a typically brilliant move on his part. It doesn’t matter anymore how sick he gets or how difficult his treatment is. No one expects him to appear in public anymore.”
The president considered his words carefully before speaking again. “What nobody in this room knows is that Krupin finally returned my calls this morning. He said his forces have complete control of Latvia and that he considers it to be back in the Russian fold. Their military has set up tactical nuclear weapons throughout the country and has them aimed at Europe’s major cities. He made it crystal clear that any attempt to take back the country will trigger a nuclear response.”
The solemn nods around the table suggested that no one was surprised. This kind of a move had been studied by military experts for years. In the end, though, it had never been considered a credible threat. The assumption was that Krupin would calculate too much risk for not enough reward. Until now.
“In light of his health, we have to take his threat seriously. This isn’t about long-term strategy, expanding Russian territory, or buffering NATO. This is about him looking strong enough to hold on to power while he figures out if he’s going to live or die. Irene? Are we on the same page?”
“Yes, sir. The key to this situation is understanding that it’s entirely about optics. Latvia denied Krupin impressive battle victories by not actively resisting, and video of the disaster at the Riga airport is already making its way through the media. The Latvians are tough and know their territory. Russia is about to find itself in the middle of a very bloody insurgency that isn’t going to play well on TV.”
Alexander’s national security advisor spoke up. “But with Russian troops being diverted from the borders of Lithuania and Estonia, Krupin’s going to have an overwhelming force. That insurgency may not last.”
“It will with our help,” Alexander said. “This isn’t just about Krupin being sick. The Russians have been pushing harder and harder every year. They can’t get their own shit together so they have to try to bring everyone else down to their level. They’re becoming the wrench in the machinery of the world.”
“But if we really believe that Krupin will retaliate with tactical nukes—and I agree we should—it limits our ability to act,” his national security advisor said.
“We just have to stay below the threshold of an act that would bring about that kind of response,” Alexander said. “We can provide supplies, advisors, and spec ops teams, right? We can move in heavy to Lithuania and Estonia, surrounding the Russians. And we can give the Latvian air force a virtually unlimited number of planes and pilots—all based safely across heavily fortified NATO borders.”
“We can do all that,” the air force chief of staff agreed. “But we’ve got to start before the Russians can get their surface-to-air capability fully up and running. And it’s still going to be an ugly fight. The Russian air force isn’t going to just turn tail.”
Alexander turned to the chief of naval operations. “Can we get control of the Baltic Sea?”
“With the combined navies of the United States and Europe? Definitely. But our ships—and to a somewhat lesser extent our subs—will be vulnerable to attacks from land-based systems.”
“But we wouldn’t be as vulnerable to those kinds of attacks farther out to sea, correct?”
“I don’t understand the question, sir.”
“What would it take to sink every deployed vessel in the Russian navy worldwide?”
The man’s eyes widened noticeably. “It would take a lot.”