*
The National Mall was a three-hundred-acre park, long and narrow, stretching for two miles from the Capitol at one end to the Lincoln Memorial at the other. The marchers assembled in the middle, at the Washington Monument, an obelisk more than five hundred feet tall. A stage had been set up and, when Jasper arrived, the pure, thrilling voice of Joan Baez was ringing out ‘Oh, Freedom’.
Jasper looked for Beep Dewar, but the crowd was already at least fifty thousand strong, and not surprisingly he could not see her.
He was having the most interesting day of his life, and it was not yet eleven in the morning. Greg Peshkov and George Jakes were Washington insiders who had casually given him exclusive information: how he wished the Daily Echo was interested. And green-eyed Verena Marquand was possibly the most beautiful woman Jasper had ever seen. Was George sleeping with her? Lucky man, if so.
Joan Baez was followed by Odetta and Josh White, but the crowd went wild when Peter, Paul and Mary appeared. Jasper could hardly believe he was seeing these huge stars live on stage without even buying a ticket. Peter, Paul and Mary sang their latest hit, ‘Blowin’ in the Wind’, a song written by Bob Dylan. It seemed to be about the civil rights movement, and included the line: ‘How many years can some people exist before they’re allowed to be free?’
The audience became even more madly enthusiastic when Dylan himself walked on. He sang a new song about the murder of Medgar Evers, called ‘Only a Pawn in Their Game’. The song sounded enigmatic to Jasper, but the listeners were oblivious to ambiguity, and rejoiced that the hottest new music star in America seemed to be on their side.
The throng was swelling minute by minute. Jasper was tall, and could look over most heads, but he could no longer see the edge of the multitude. To the west, the famous long reflecting pool led to the Greek temple commemorating Abraham Lincoln. The demonstrators were supposed to march to the Lincoln Memorial later, but Jasper could see that many were already migrating to the western end of the park, probably intent on securing the best seats for the speeches.
So far there had been no hint of violence, despite media pessimism – or had it been media wishful thinking?
There seemed to be news photographers and television cameras everywhere. They often focussed on Jasper, perhaps because of his pop-star haircut.
He started to write an article in his head. The event was a picnic in a forest, he decided, with revellers lunching in a sunlit glade while bloodthirsty predators skulked in the deep shade of the surrounding woods.
He strolled west with the crowd. The Negroes were dressed in their Sunday best, he noticed, the men in ties and straw hats, the women in bright print dresses and headscarves; whereas the whites were casual. The issue had widened from segregation, and the placards called for votes, jobs and housing. There were delegations from trade unions, churches and synagogues.
Near the Lincoln Memorial he ran into Beep. She was with a group of girls heading in the same direction. They found a spot where they had a clear view of the stage that had been set up on the steps.
The girls passed around a large bottle of warm Coca-Cola. Some of them were Beep’s friends, Jasper discovered; others had simply tagged along. They were interested in him as an exotic foreigner. He lay in the August sun chatting idly to them until the speeches began. By that time the crowd stretched farther than Jasper could see. He felt sure there were more than the one hundred thousand expected.
The lectern stood in front of the giant statue of the brooding President Lincoln, seated on a huge marble throne, his massive hands on the arms of the chair, his beetle brows drawn, his expression stern.
Most of the speakers were black, but there were a few whites, including a rabbi. Marlon Brando was on the platform, brandishing an electric cattle prod of the kind used on Negroes by the police in Gadsden, Alabama. Jasper liked the sharp-tongued union leader Walter Reuther, who said scathingly: ‘We cannot defend freedom in Berlin as long as we deny freedom in Birmingham.’
But the crowd grew restless and began to shout for Martin Luther King.
He was almost the last speaker.
King was a preacher, and a good one, Jasper knew immediately. His diction was crisp, his voice a vibrant baritone. He had the power to move the crowd’s emotions, a valuable skill that Jasper admired.
However, King had probably never before preached to so many people. Few men had.
He cautioned that the demonstration, triumphant though it was, meant nothing if it did not lead to real change. ‘Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam, and will now be content, will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.’ The audience cheered and whooped at every resonant phrase. ‘There will be neither rest nor tranquillity in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights,’ King warned. ‘The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.’
As he drew near to the end of his seven minutes, King became more biblical. ‘We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood, and robbed of their dignity, by signs stating “For Whites Only”,’ he said. ‘We will not be satisfied until justice runs down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.’
On the platform behind him, the gospel singer Mahalia Jackson cried: ‘My Lord! My Lord!’
‘Even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream,’ he said.
Jasper sensed that King had thrown away his prepared speech, for he was no longer manipulating his audience emotionally. Instead, he seemed to be drawing his words from a deep, cold well of suffering and pain, a well created by centuries of cruelty. Jasper realized that Negroes described their suffering in the words of the Old Testament prophets, and bore their pain with the consolation of Jesus’ gospel of hope.
King’s voice shook with emotion as he said: ‘I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.
‘I have a dream that one day, on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood – I have a dream.
‘That one day even the state of Mississippi – a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression – will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream.’
He had hit a rhythm, and two hundred thousand people felt it sway their souls. It was more than a speech: it was a poem and a canticle and a prayer as deep as the grave. The heartbreaking phrase ‘I have a dream’ came like an amen at the end of each ringing sentence.
‘. . . That my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the colour of their skin but by the content of their character – I have a dream today.
‘I have a dream that one day down in Alabama – with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification – one day right there in Alabama, little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers – I have a dream today.
‘With this faith we will be able to hew, out of the mountain of despair, a stone of hope.
‘With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.
‘With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.’
Looking around, Jasper saw that black and white faces alike were running with tears. Even he felt moved, and he had thought himself immune to this kind of thing.
‘And when this happens; when we allow freedom to ring; when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city; we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands . . .’
Here he slowed down, and the crowd was almost silent.
King’s voice trembled with the earthquake force of his passion. ‘. . . and sing, in the words of the old Negro spiritual:
‘Free at last!
‘Free at last!
‘Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!’
He stepped back from the microphone.
The crowd gave a roar such as Jasper had never heard. They rose to their feet in a surge of rapturous hope. The applause rolled on, seeming as endless as the ocean waves.
It went on until King’s distinguished white-haired mentor Benjamin Mays stepped up to the microphone and pronounced a blessing. Then people knew it was over, and at last they turned away reluctantly from the stage to go home.
Jasper felt as if he had come through a storm, or a battle, or a love affair: he was spent but jubilant.
He and Beep headed for the Dewar apartment, hardly speaking. Surely, Jasper thought, the Echo would be interested in this? Hundreds of thousands of people had heard a heart-stopping plea for justice. Surely British politics, with its dismal sex scandals, could not compete with this for space on the front page of a newspaper?
He was right.
Beep’s mother, Bella, was sitting at the kitchen table, shelling peas, while Miss Betsy peeled potatoes. As soon as Jasper walked in, Bella said to him: ‘The Daily Echo in London has called twice for you. A Mr Pugh.’
‘Thank you,’ said Jasper, his heart beating faster. ‘Do you mind if I return the call?’
‘Of course not, go right ahead.’
Jasper went to the study and phoned Pugh. ‘Did you take part in the march?’ said Pugh. ‘Did you hear the speech?’
‘Yes, and yes,’ said Jasper. ‘It was incredible—’
‘I know. We’re going all out with it. Can you give us an I-was-there piece? As personal and impressionistic as you like. Don’t worry too much about facts and figures, we’ll have all those in the main report.’
‘I’d be happy to,’ said Jasper. It was an understatement: he was ecstatic.
‘Let it run. About a thousand words. We can always cut if necessary.’
‘All right.’
‘Call me in half an hour and I’ll put you through to a copy taker.’
‘Couldn’t I have longer?’ said Jasper; but Pugh had already hung up.
‘Blimey,’ said Jasper to the wall.
There was an American-style yellow legal pad on Woody Dewar’s desk. Jasper pulled it towards him and picked up a pencil. He thought for a minute then wrote:
‘Today I stood in a crowd of two hundred thousand people and heard Martin Luther King redefine what it means to be American.’
*
Maria Summers felt high.
The television set had been on in the press office, and she had stopped work to watch Martin Luther King, as had just about everyone else in the White House, including President Kennedy.
When it ended she was walking on air. She could hardly wait to hear what the President thought of the speech. A few minutes later she was summoned to the Oval Office. The temptation to hug Kennedy was even harder for her to resist than usual. ‘He’s damn good,’ was Kennedy’s slightly detached reaction. Then he said: ‘He’s on his way here now,’ and Maria was overjoyed.
Jack Kennedy had changed. When Maria had first fallen in love with him, he had been in favour of civil rights intellectually, but not emotionally. The change was not due to their affair. Rather, it was the relentless brutality and lawlessness of the segregationists that had shocked him into a heartfelt personal commitment. And he had risked everything by bringing forward the new civil rights bill. She knew better than anyone how worried he was about it.
George Jakes came in, immaculately dressed as always, today in a dark-blue suit with a pale-grey shirt and a striped tie. He smiled warmly at her. She was fond of him: he had been a friend in need. He was, she thought, the second most attractive man she had ever met.
Maria knew that she and George were here for show, because they were among the small number of coloured people in the administration. They were both reconciled to being used as symbols. It was not dishonest: though their number was small, Kennedy had appointed more Negroes to high-level posts than any previous president.
When Martin Luther King walked in, President Kennedy shook his hand and said: ‘I have a dream!’
It was meant well, Maria knew, but she felt it was ill-judged. King’s dream came from the depths of vicious repression. Jack Kennedy had been born into America’s privileged elite, powerful and rich: how could he claim to have a dream of freedom and equality? Dr King obviously felt this too, for he looked embarrassed and changed the subject. Later, in bed, the President would ask Maria where he had taken a wrong step, she knew; and she would have to find a loving and reassuring way to explain it to him.
King and the other civil rights leaders had not eaten since breakfast. When the President realized this, he ordered coffee and sandwiches for them from the White House kitchen.
Maria got them all to line up for a formal photograph, then the discussion began.
King and the others were riding a wave of elation. After today’s demonstration, they told the President, the civil rights bill could be toughened up. There should be a new section banning racial discrimination in employment. Young black men were dropping out of school at an alarming rate, seeing no future.
President Kennedy suggested that Negroes should copy the Jews, who valued education and made their kids study. Maria came from a Negro family who did exactly that, and she agreed with him. If black kids dropped out of school, was that the government’s problem? But she also saw how cleverly Kennedy had shifted the discussion away from the real issue, which was millions of jobs that were reserved for whites only.
They asked Kennedy to lead the crusade for civil rights. Maria knew that he was thinking something he could not say: that if he became too strongly identified with the Negro cause then all the white people would vote Republican.
The shrewd Walter Reuther offered different advice. Identify the businessmen behind the Republican party and pick them off in small groups, he said. Tell them that if they don’t co-operate their profits will suffer. Maria knew this as the Lyndon Johnson approach, a combination of cajolery and threats. The advice went over the President’s head: it just was not his style.
Kennedy went through the voting intentions of congressmen and senators, ticking off on his fingers those likely to oppose the civil rights bill. It was a dismal register of prejudice, apathy and timidity. He was going to have trouble passing even a watered-down version of the bill, he made clear; anything tougher was doomed.
Gloom seemed to fall on Maria like a funeral shawl. She felt tired, depressed, and pessimistic. Her head ached and she wanted to go home.
The meeting lasted more than an hour. By the time it finished, all the euphoria had evaporated. The civil rights leaders filed out, their faces showing disenchantment and frustration. It was all very well for King to have a dream, but it seemed the American people did not share it.
Maria could hardly believe it but, despite all that had happened today, it seemed the great cause of equality and freedom was no farther forward.